{"id":37243,"date":"2026-10-03T03:32:40","date_gmt":"2026-10-03T03:32:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/?p=37243"},"modified":"2026-10-03T03:32:40","modified_gmt":"2026-10-03T03:32:40","slug":"relation-tunisie-israel-archive-jusquau-04-mars-2004","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/relation-tunisie-israel-archive-jusquau-04-mars-2004\/","title":{"rendered":"Relation tunisie-israel : Archive jusqu’au 04\/mars\/2004"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le jeudi 04 mars 2004 – 02h29: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Israeli official visits Tunisia
Tunisia-Israel, Politics, 9\/9\/2003 <\/b> <\/p>\n

The Israeli daily Yediot Ahronot said yesterday that an official at the Israeli foreign ministry is visiting Tunisia to discuss means of renewing diplomatic relations between the two countries and ending the warning over the travel of the Israelis to Tunisia. <\/p>\n

The paper said that the chairman of the North Africa and Morocco department at the Israeli foreign ministry Shaloum Cohen met with the director general of the Tunisian foreign ministry and handed him a personal message from the Israeli foreign minister Shalom Silvan. <\/p>\n

The paper indicated that Cohen met also high ranking figures at the Tunisian Presidential palace at the foreign ministry and officials from the Jewish community in Tunisia. <\/p>\n

The paper said that the Tunisian side asked for ending the warning issued by the Israeli foreign ministry for its citizens over traveling to Tunisia. The paper quoted high ranking Tunisian officials as saying during the talks with Cohen that if progress is attained in the peace process, they will reopen the Israeli diplomatic mission in Tunisia and there might be a Tunisian representation in Israel. <\/p>\n

Tunisia has closed its representation office in Israel after the eruption of the Palestinian Intifada in 2000. <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le samedi 21 f\u00e9vrier 2004 – 22h41: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

ISRAEL AND TUNISIA: BETWEEN BOURGUIBISM AND NASSERISM
http:\/\/meria.idc.ac.il\/journal\/2000\/issue2\/jv4n2a7.html
The earliest contacts between Israel and Tunisia were established in New York in 1951-1952, at the height of Tunisia\u2019s independence drive, when Tunisian representatives approached the Israeli mission to the UN or Israeli labor leaders, often through the good offices of American politicians. (2) Among the Neo-Destour Party envoys who met with Israeli officials was Bahi Ladgam, a senior member of the party\u2019s political bureau and a close confidant of Tunisia\u2019s nationalist leader and future president, Habib Bourguiba. In a June 25, 1952, meeting between Ladgam and Gideon Raphael of Israel\u2019s UN mission, Ladgam sought support for a resolution backing Tunisian independence and assured Raphael that his party was not behind the anti-Jewish riots that plagued Tunis at the time. (3) Israel also had contacts with another Tunisian, Salah Ben Youssef, who later became a Nasserist and Bourguiba\u2019s chief political opponent. Ben Youssef approached the Israelis on February 9, 1953, to express frustration with Israel\u2019s lack of support for Tunisia and explained that the Arab states were the only ones assisting Tunisia\u2019s independence efforts and that it was inevitable that Tunisia would side with them in the future. (4) <\/p>\n

Bourguiba himself first advocated a settlement with Israel in a June 1952 interview with Le Monde. While in political exile in France two years later, Bourguiba told Alec L. Easterman, head of the WJC\u2019s political bureau in London, that a future Tunisian government would enter the Arab League but would not necessarily follow Arab League policies or support its political activities. As an individual, Bourguiba said that he understood Jewish nationalism, but as an Arab, he felt compelled to regard the establishment of the state of Israel as a form of colonialism.<\/b> Yet as a matter of practical politics, he could not support Israel\u2019s elimination and would seek peace in the Middle East by playing a vital role to influence Arab states in this direction<\/b>. (5) <\/p>\n

Israeli officials were divided over whether to maintain secret ties to pre-independence Tunisia and Morocco. Some believed that contacts could safeguard the position of Maghrebi Jews, while others maintained that open channels, as in the Ladgam-Raphael meeting, would result in negative French reactions. (6) <\/p>\n

From the end of 1953 until October 1955, when Moshe Sharett served as Israel\u2019s prime minister and foreign minister, he did not endorse secret ties but supported future Israeli-Maghrebi cooperation so as \u201cto prevent the extension of the Arab boycott to North Africa and to\u2026set a precedent to our relations with Arab countries.\u201d (7) In the governments of David Ben-Gurion and Levi Eshkol, Israel opted for both open and back channels once France granted Tunisia and Morocco independence in 1956. They envisioned in the Nasser-Bourguiba rift a trend that could weaken Arab unity. <\/p>\n

In February 1956, when Tunisia and Morocco were about to achieve independence, Bourguiba held a discreet meeting with Ya\u2019akov Tsur, Israel\u2019s ambassador to France in which the former\u2019s dislike for Nasser was plainly evident. Tsur understood that it was vital for Bourguiba to enlist American Jewry\u2019s endorsement for securing U.S. economic aid. (8) <\/p>\n

Unofficial Israeli-Tunisian meetings continued until the outbreak of the Suez crisis later that year. On October 3, 1956, after Tunisia achieved independence, Tsur met with the Tunisian finance minister who requested Israeli aid in building cooperative agricultural settlements.<\/b> Tsur, who also met with another Bourguiba aide, was authorized to accede to Tunisian requests with the aim of weakening the Arab economic boycott and entering the Maghrebi sphere. The parties agreed that Paris would best serve as the center for coordinating joint projects under the aegis of Pinhas Sapir, Israel\u2019s minister of commerce and industry. (9) <\/p>\n

Israel\u2019s foreign ministry justified assistance to Tunisia by arguing that Bourguiba would not identify with the Arab League\u2019s economic policies toward Israel; joint economic cooperation could be mutually beneficial; and Israel\u2019s labor federation could collaborate unofficially with its Tunisian counterpart, paving the path for other types of institutional cooperation. (10) However, nothing came of these possibilities following the Anglo-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt in October-November 1956, and once Tunisia joined the Arab League in October 1958. <\/p>\n

In joining the Arab League, Bourguiba did not conceal his displeasure with pan-Arabism. Except for a brief lull in 1961-1963, when Nasser manifested solidarity with Tunisia\u2019s struggle against French troops who held a naval base in the Tunisian city of Bizerta, by the mid-1960s the breach between the two leaders became irreconcilable. Bourguiba boycotted Arab League meetings over differences related to inter-Arab issues, and even allowed Jews to leave for Israel via France, permitting the Jewish Agency to maintain operations in Tunis.<\/b> But Bourguiba could ill afford to nurture ties with Israel and in fact toughened his stance. In a 1959 interview with a Lebanese newspaper, he asserted: \u201cIf you wish to end the existence of a given country, you should prepare the strategies that will result in her elimination. We do not have commercial and diplomatic ties with Israel.\u201d (11) Additional attacks raised doubts about Tunisia\u2019s image as a moderating force in the Arab world. (12) An expert on the Maghreb at the Quai d\u2019Orsay assuaged Israeli concerns saying that Bourguiba\u2019s aggressive behavior regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict was intended to impress other Arab states; in the future he could in fact mediate between Israel and the Arabs. (13) <\/p>\n

The collapse of the United Arab Republic in 1961, Egyptian efforts in 1963 to resuscitate Arab unity, Nasser\u2019s military involvement in Yemen, and the emergence of Arab summitry as a channel for inter-Arab dialogues, motivated Bourguiba to promote state particularism over pan-Arabism. (14) Early in 1964, Bourguiba expressed skepticism about Middle East peace. He proposed that the Palestinians organize themselves within an Algerian-style National Liberation Front (FLN) movement, and thought the best way to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict was to resettle Israeli Jews outside the region. Yet Bourguiba knew that resettlement was unrealistic and had doubts about effective Arab military options against Israel. Moreover, he believed that the West would never allow Arab states to win a war against the Jews. (15) <\/p>\n

In March 1965, Bourguiba posed a genuine challenge to Arab leaders in a speech he delivered in Jordan, publicly urging them to recognize Israel in return for negotiations in the spirit of UN Resolution 181 (1947) recommending the partition of Palestine, and Resolution 194 (1948) calling for the return of Arab refugees to their homes. (16) While in October 1966, he attacked Israel as a Zionist state that dispossessed Muslim and Christian Arabs, he called for an \u201cequitable solution\u201d to the Arab-Israeli conflict. (17) <\/p>\n

Bourguiba was a man of great ability and intelligence, but also one of great vanity. He was frustrated that Tunisia\u2019s small size and few resources would prevent it from playing as large a role in world affairs as Egypt. (18) Some believed that Bourguiba was impelled to promote dramatic and creative policies to attract attention and, given Tunisia\u2019s marginal status in Arab affairs, economic aid from the West. By calling for Arab-Israeli negotiations and leading the few Arab states that refused to sever diplomatic relations with West Germany for opening an embassy in Tel Aviv, Bourguiba, it was thought, hoped to secure U.S. and European economic support and simultaneously discredit Nasser by portaying him as anti-Western and a war monger. <\/p>\n

Indeed, in May 1965, Tunisian foreign minister Habib Bourguiba Jr. (the president\u2019s son) came to Washington in search of financial support for Tunisia\u2019s four-year economic development plan. The State Department prodded the Israelis to \u201cconvince\u201d the Germans and the French to grant Tunisia $20 million in aid, and for Israel to purchase Tunisian wine. (19) The Israelis intervened on behalf of Tunisia without prior coordination with Tunis<\/b>. It was hoped that despite Tunisia\u2019s relatively marginal role in inter-Arab affairs, Bourguiba might enlist the help of moderate Arab leaders and together they would foil or sabotage Egyptian and Syrian Arab unity efforts. <\/p>\n

Regarding Bourguiba\u2019s unrealistic proposal involving UN Resolution 181, some Israeli observers thought that Bourguiba did not seriously believe any pre-1949 UN resolution could serve as a basis for negotiations; he wanted to break the psychological barriers that prevented an Arab-Israeli dialogue. <\/p>\n

Arguments about his objectives notwithstanding, the Foreign Ministry under Golda Meir and her successor, Abba Eban, spared no effort to approach Bourguiba and boost his prestige. In November 1965, on the occasion of Bourguiba\u2019s visit to Liberia, upon the request from Liberian security services and with the knowledge of the head of Tunisian security, the Israeli Mossad reinforced local security personnel in Bourguiba\u2019s security detail<\/b>. (20) <\/p>\n

Equally intriguing was the Foreign Ministry\u2019s effort to promote Bourguiba\u2019s candidacy for the 1966 Nobel Peace Prize. Wanting to spare him embarrassment, it was decided that a third party would handle the matter. Thus, Hebrew University professor Nathan Rottenstreich, in conjunction with Israel\u2019s ambassador in Washington, chose the rector of the University of Brazil to recommend Bourguiba to the prize committee. It was clear from the outset that Bourguiba would not receive the Nobel Prize, which was offered to individuals who actually resolved conflicts, but as one Foreign Ministry official observed: \u201cIt is important that we are able to bring to Bourguiba\u2019s attention that we are behind the initiative.\u201d (21) <\/p>\n

Beginning in 1966, Israel\u2019s ambassador to France, Walter Eytan (with help from the Mossad) initiated secret talks in Europe with Muhammad Masmudi, Tunisia\u2019s ambassador in Paris, with Bourguiba\u2019s blessings. Simultaneously, the WJC\u2019s Easterman maintained direct links to Bourguiba and his son, as well as Masmudi. The Bourguibas preferred that their own personal contact with Israel be maintained indirectly through Easterman, while all other direct Israeli-Tunisian channels would go through diplomats in Europe. Because Israel\u2019s Foreign Ministry could not have a direct pipeline to the Bourguibas as late as 1967, they continued to rely on Easterman, yet without telling him of their back channel links to Masmudi. It appears that Masmudi and the Bourguibas cooperated with Israel over this matter. Moreover, Abba Eban also met with Masmudi on at least one occasion at the home of Baron Edmond de Rothschild. <\/b> <\/p>\n

There were at least five components of these back channel deliberations. First, it was conveyed to the Tunisians that the Israelis appreciated Bourguiba\u2019s challenge to Nasserism, even if they opposed the pre-1949 UN resolutions on which he based his peace proposal. In March 1966, at a meeting in Tunis with Bourguiba and his son, Easterman said that Foreign Minister Eban authorized him to praise Bourguiba \u201cfor the wise and statesmanlike effort toward a new approach to peace and conciliation between the Middle East Arab states and Israel,\u201d and for the struggle \u201cto bring about an end to Nasser\u2019s intransigent and inflammatorily demagogic policies for an Arab war to destroy the State of Israel.\u201d Bourguiba told Easterman that many Arab leaders knew that his views were sound but they did not yet have the courage to support him; they were still obsessed by \u201cthe fiction of Nasserist power.\u201d Referring to pan-Arabists, Bourguiba portrayed them as unscrupulous, ruining every move to settle Arab-Israeli tensions by conciliatory means. Above all, Israel and Tunisia needed to exercise prudence, to gain time and to let his ideas sink steadily into the Arab mindset. Bourguiba was prepared to accept contact for high-level cooperation, but would refuse to do anything that directly or indirectly implied entering into diplomatic relations with Israel. (22) <\/p>\n

Second, in his meeting with Easterman in Paris on October 4, 1966, Masmudi recommended that Tunisian-Israeli economic contacts be facilitated by Western Jews with vital positions in finance. Tunisia and Israel would thus be insured against attack \u201cby their enemies\u201d as forming any devious arrangements between themselves, while both might benefit economically from the appropriate non-Israeli Jewish elements. (23) Likewise, Tunisia\u2019s Muhammad Sfar met with the Israelis in Paris about \u201cJewish\u201d investments. He never told Tunisian bank directors and industrialists that the potential \u201cJewish\u201d investments he represented were Israeli-inspired, as Israel\u2019s direct involvement needed to be camouflaged. The projects discussed with Sfar included the construction of a hotel in Mahdia, as a collaborative venture of Sfar and a jointly-owned company by Israel and Baron Edmond de Rothschild; developing a glass factory in Tunis; and furnishing hotel equipment by Israel via a British firm.<\/b> (24) <\/p>\n

Third, the Tunisians expected Israel to pressure the French to improve Franco-Tunisian relations, which had deteriorated since 1961, and to influence the United States and West Germany to grant economic assistance and military aid.<\/b> (25) <\/p>\n

Fourth, Tunisia made no secret of its desire to expand tourism. In the final months of her tenure at the Foreign Ministry, Golda Meir urged Israel\u2019s ambassador in Washington to enlist Jewish-American support by requesting local communities to add Tunisia to their list of tourist attractions<\/b>. He was told that should these endeavors succeed, \u201cwe will find the way to inform the Tunisians that the operations were initiated by us as a token of goodwill.\u201d (26) Indeed, Jewish-American organized tour groups did arrive in Tunisia in 1965. (27) Easterman also informed Bourguiba Jr. that Israel was prepared to offer its skills in the field of tourism and that the increasing trend for travel among world Jewry, especially American Jews, could be an important financial potential for Tunisia\u2019s tourist traffic. (28) <\/p>\n

Last on the list was assistance in agricultural development. As Easterman told Bourguiba Jr., Israel was universally known for developing modern agricultural industries and had passed along its experience and techniques to a number of new African states. The Israeli government, he said, was \u201cmost willing and ready to put them at the service of Tunisia.\u201d (29) <\/p>\n

In the final analysis, Bourguiba was reluctant to seek any direct long-range Israeli ties, and so it is difficult to know if anything came of most of these proposals. Arab territorial losses, and the rise of the Palestine Liberation Organization, engendered new realities which left few options for a peace settlement. Not totally disillusioned, Bourguiba confided in Easterman in October 1967 that Arab leaders would eventually negotiate with Israel but that permanent peace could not be achieved as long as Israel insisted on the principle of \u201cwhat we have conquered we hold.\u201d He hinted that in light of recent circumstances it would be better for him to reduce his overt endorsement of a Middle East peace initiative. (30) <\/p>\n

During the October 1973 Middle East War, Bourguiba supported the Egyptian and Syrian attack on Israel and, like other Maghrebi states, sent troops to bolster the Arab effort. Despite his preference for \u201cstate particularism\u201d over pan-Arab unity, since 1970 he flirted for a while with Muammar Qadhafi over a Tunisian-Libyan union. In October 1976, Bourguiba once again flaunted to the Arab states and the PLO the need to accept UN Resolution 181 on the partition of Palestine. The Sadat peace initiative of November 1977 buried such proposals once and for all. In the 1980s, Bourguiba demonstrated deep solidarity with the PLO, allowing it in 1982 to set up its headquarters in Tunis following its expulsion from Lebanon, leading in 1985 and 1988 to retaliatory military and commando operations by Israel on Tunisian soil. He also agreed to have the Arab League headquarters transferred from Cairo to Tunis once the Arab states isolated Egypt for signing a peace agreement with Israel. This does not preclude secret Israeli-Tunisian discussions after 1967; but these, if they occurred, amounted to very little. Bourguiba\u2019s anti-Islam policies led to Zayn al-Abidine Ben Ali\u2019s palace coup of November 7, 1987. Ben Ali, following the 1993 Oslo accords, emulated Morocco\u2019s example by opening in 1995 a liaison office in Tel Aviv and allowing Israel to do the same in Tunis. In 1997, the head of this office was recalled in protest against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu\u2019s Middle East policies, but a new representative, Tariq Azuz, was sent to Israel following the 1999 Israeli elections <\/p>\n

NOTES
1) Interviews with Uri Avneri (23 October 1996); Elkana Galli (18 September 1996).
2) Michael M. Laskier, North African Jewry in the 20th Century. (New York: New York University Press, 1994), p. 283.
3) Ibid, pp. 284-285.
4) Israel UN Delegation, February 18, 1953, Israel State Archives (ISA), Foreign Ministry (FM), 3043\/18.
5) Conversation with Bourguiba, August 9, 1954, secret, ISA\/FM, 2541\/21A.
6) See footnote 2 (p. 284-285).
7) A. Barkai to the Bern Legation, Jerusalem, February 14, 1956, ISA\/FM, 2542\/7.
8) Y. Tsur to FM, Paris, February 6, 1956, top secret, ISA\/FM, 2541\/26.
9) R. Dubek to FM, Jerusalem, October 3, 1956, ISA\/FM, 2541\/26.
0) R. Dubek to FM, October 12, 1956, ISA\/FM, 2541\/26.
11) al-Hayat (March 19, 1959).
12) Oslo Dagbladet (June 2, 1961).
13) Z. Zak to FM, June 13, 1961, ISA\/FM, 3316\/3.
14) Avraham Sela, The Decline of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), p. 81.
15) Y. Vered to Y. Meroz, Jerusalem, secret, February 7, 1964, ISA\/FM, 3549\/4.
16) Sela, The Decline of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, p. 80.
17) Habib Bourguiba\u2019s Speech at the UN General Assembly, October 10, 1966.
18) Peter Mansfield, Egypt\u2019s Nasser, (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1969), p. 91.
19) D. Yenon to the FM, Washington, May 4, 1965, secret, ISA\/FM, 3549\/4.
20) Embassy in Monrovia to FM, November 24, 1965, secret, ISA\/FM, 3549\/2.
21) S. Bar-Hayyim to A. Harman, Jerusalem, October 20, 1965, ISA\/FM, 3549\/2.
22) A. L. Easterman to A. Eban, London, March 1966, ISA\/FM, 4027\/6.
23) Conversation with Muhammad Masmudi, London, October 21, 1966, ISA\/FM, 4097\/4.
24) Note sent to FM, ISA\/FM, 4097\/4.
25) M. Gazit to A. Eban, Jerusalem, May 3, 1966, top secret, ISA\/FM, 4077\/3.
26) Bar-Hayyim to A. Harman, Jerusalem, June 4, 1965, top secret, ISA\/FM, 4077\/3.
27) Same as Footnote 22.
28) Ibid.
29) Ibid.
30) Easterman to A. Eban, London, October 27, 1967, ISA\/FM, 4097\/4. <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le samedi 21 f\u00e9vrier 2004 – 21h51: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Israel to cooperate with Tunisia, Egypt in tourism computerization <\/p>\n

The Ministry of Tourism recently signed up for a European Union (EU) sponsored Mediterranean computerization project. <\/p>\n

The project involves the development of an Internet portal to promote cultural tourism in eight Mediterranean countries. The other participants in the project besides Israel are Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Cyprus, Turkey, France, and Italy. <\/p>\n

Cultural tourism focuses on archeology, history, theater, music, museums, etc. Setting up the portal will take two years, at a total estimated cost of \u20ac2.5 million. 80% of the budget will come from the EU; the participating countries will furnish the balance. <\/p>\n

Israel will receive EU funding to promote its part of the portal. The Ministry of Tourism believes the project will greatly contribute to the promotion of Israeli culture and internal tourism in Israel. <\/p>\n

Ministry of Tourism director of electronic marketing Ami Zuberi and director of international relations division Hagit Ringel said, \u201cIsrael\u2019s cultural tourism is one of the country\u2019s main and most developed sources of tourism.\u201d <\/p>\n

http:\/\/www.index.co.il\/tourism\/article_page.asp?info_id=152691<\/a> <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Albert (Albert)<\/b> le samedi 21 f\u00e9vrier 2004 – 21h17: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Ecris nous en Fran\u00e7ais Citron, nous sommes sur un site Tune ici.. Merci. Traduction s’il te plait. <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le samedi 21 f\u00e9vrier 2004 – 03h35: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

The Jerusalem Post
Jan. 30, 2004 <\/p>\n

Grant’s Tunisia visit causes tension
By OFER RONEN-ABELS <\/p>\n

National team coach Avraham Grant’s surprise visit to the African Nations Cup tournament in Tunisia earlier this week has led to a public rift with his employers, the Israel Football Association. IFA officials were surprised and angered by photos of Grant draped in the Tunisian flag and surrounded by local fans that were published exclusively by Yediot Ahronot on Wednesday.
The main reason behind the outrage is the fact that Grant called IFA spokesperson Shaul Aizenberg on Tuesday night saying that he might be on his way to Tunisia. It appears, however, that Grant was already in Tunisia when he made that phone call \u2013 especially since the photos that appeared in the Hebrew daily were taken in broad daylight and published on Wednesday morning. <\/p>\n

Speaking Wednesday night, IFA chairman Itche Menachem confirmed he knew nothing of Grant’s visit and did not try to hide his indignation when he said, \u00ab\u00a0I intend to investigate this issue. Grant was not traveling on behalf of the IFA, as it was completely private. But at the same time if I learn that he planned this visit and kept that away from us \u2013 I will be extremely cross.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

On Thursday it became known that Grant received an invitation from Tunisia’s Sporting Ambassador, Shukri Al-Wa’ar, who is one of the African country’s footballing greats, and who assisted in obtaining the entry visa. <\/p>\n

Tunisia is not considered an enemy country by Israel although there are no diplomatic ties between the two. <\/p>\n

However, as a public figure, Grant could be considered a security risk and he didn’t inform any Israeli official of his planned trip. <\/p>\n

Grant is set for a showdown with the IFA chairman when they meet in Dublin next week as part of the talks to determine the fixture list for Israel’s World Cup 2006 qualifying campaign <\/p>\n

thinks to pinacolada <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Bekhor (Bekhor)<\/b> le dimanche 19 octobre 2003 – 20h49: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

CITRON,
Je pense que tout dialogue avec toi est un langage de sourds. <\/p>\n

Que tu le veuille ou non, Le peuple Tunisien etait content du depart des Palestiniens, meme si tu affirme le contraire, plusieurs amis TUNISIENS MUSULMANS se sont plaints ici en France, du mauvais comportement des palestiniens en Tunisie, et ce a tous les nivaux.
(tu sais tres bien que la critique politique \u00ab\u00a0ca craint en Tunisie\u00a0\u00bb) <\/p>\n

J’epargne les lecteurs sur certains details que m’ont rapportes mes amis Tunisiens et qui n’ont pas lieux d’etres cites ici. <\/p>\n

Je n’en demord pas que ce raid Israelien, n’est pu etre executer sans l’aide logistique du gouvernement Tunisien. <\/p>\n

Et ce que tu le veuille ou non. <\/p>\n

De toute facon ni je n’ai, ni tu n’a acces aux arcanes des secrets des republique Tunisienne ou Israeliennes. <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le dimanche 19 octobre 2003 – 19h00: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

bekhor <\/p>\n

\u00ab\u00a0Tu a oublie que les Tunisiens ne savaient pas comment ce debarasser de cet organisme terroriste qui etait lourd pour son estomac.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

la tunisie a acceuilli de facon volontaires les palestiniens vir\u00e9s du liban et je pense que Bourguiba n’\u00e9tait pas assez fou pour acceuilir des activistes arm\u00e9es qui aurait pu troubler la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 en tunisie: l’acceuil des palestiniens en tunisie est un acte pris pas les dirigeants de l\u00c9poque est je ne pense pas que l ‘OLP en 1985, est \u00e9t\u00e9 un poid pour la tunisie. <\/p>\n

\u00ab\u00a0Tu devrais etre fier en tant que juif,vivant en Tunisie, d’etre issu du peuple qui a aide la Tunisie a se debarasser d’organisations terroristes.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

comment je pourrais \u00e9tre fier d’une attaque arm\u00e9e isra\u00e9lienne qui a tu\u00e9 68 personnes dont 20 tunisiens innocents !!!!
cet attaque a \u00e9t\u00e9 suivie par un fort sentiment anti-juif , dois -je remercier tsahal pour ca ?<\/b>
cette attaque a \u00e9t\u00e9 suivie par l’assasinat de 4 juifs a jerba? devrais-je remercier tsahal? <\/p>\n

\u00ab\u00a0Tu sait tres bien que ce n’est pas la Tunisie qui etait visee.\u00a0\u00bb
oui je le sais tr\u00e9s bien , mais cet acte n’a fait que monter le sentiment anti-israelien et meme anti-juif.
apr\u00e9s la mort des civils tunisiens innocents,je peut comprendre un tunisien qui me dis qu’il n’aime pas ou d\u00e9teste israel. <\/p>\n

\u00ab\u00a0Et ce raid n’aurait pas pu etre fait sans l’aide de l’armee Tunisienne\u00a0\u00bb
je ne le pense pas car la tunisie na pas lhabitude d etre bombard\u00e9e par des arm\u00e9es venus de l’\u00e9tranger,elle n est pas donc pr\u00e9par\u00e9 a riposter a ce genre d’attaque. <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le vendredi 17 octobre 2003 – 22h53: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

une autre comm\u00e9marotion; <\/p>\n

\u00ab\u00a0Following Israel’s bombing In 1, October 1985, a Tunisian guard opened fire on worshipers in a synagogue in Djerba, killing five people, four of them Jewish. Since then, the government has sought to prevent further tragedy by giving Tunisian Jews heavy protection when necessary…\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le vendredi 17 octobre 2003 – 22h26: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

92. Press Conference Following Israel Air Force Attack on PLO base in Tunis, 1 October 1985. <\/p>\n

Mounting wave of terror against Israelis and Jews, in Israel, in the areas and abroad, culminating with the murder of three Israelis in Larnaca’s harbour, led the government of Israel to seek new ways to combat terror. Since it was evident that the attacks were masterminded by the PLO and the various organizations under its umbrella, Israel decided to attack the PLO headquarters in Tunis. In a daring, long distance aerial raid, Israeli planes bombed a PLO base in Tunis, some 4800 kilometers from Israel. 60 terrorists were killed, including some senior members of \u00ab\u00a0Force 17. \u00a0\u00bb Arafat was not in Tunis at the time, but his headquarters was hit. The reasons for the raid were given in the following press conference by Defense Minister Rabin, Chief of Staff Moshe Levy and Air Force Commander Amos Lapidol: <\/p>\n

Mr. Rabin: For a long time now, we have been aware of, have felt the effort of the terrorist organizations – first and foremost the terrorist organizations of the PLO headed by Arafat – to carry out attacks from everywhere and anywhere that Israelis or Israeli targets are to be found: In Israel and abroad. As long as PLO terrorism, or any other terrorism operates against Israel, Israel will fight against it. Israel will determine the manner of combat and the site of the attack in accordance with its own considerations exclusively. The target this time was not personnel directly involved with operations, but the headquarters that decides, plans and directs the attacks, whether from the north or in the administered areas or from the sea, and against Israelis, such as the abhorrent murder of the three Israelis in Larnaca. This operation was designed to clarify that no PLO element anywhere in the world has immunity. The long arm of the IDF will be able to reach, hit and punish. This was the aim of the operation, and I believe that as such it attained its entire goal. <\/p>\n

There will be some who will no doubt argue that such an operation will harm the prospects of the peace process. Israel wants peace, Israel wants to further the peace process. But if there is anything that harms the prospects of the peace process, it is the PLO’s terrorist effort headed by Arafat – and therefore it is inconceivable that even though we want peace, we will not combat terrorism in all its forms. <\/p>\n

In conclusion, I want to express, through the chief of staff and the commander of the air force, my deep appreciation for the IDFs planning capability, for the IAF’s operational ability – this was an operation which was carried out to perfection. Congratulations to the IDF, the air force, to those who planned and carried out this operation. <\/p>\n

Chief of Staff Levy: We are dealing here with a preliminary summation of the attack. The target was a central PLO command post which operates as a full-fledged headquarters. We have had many reports since this headquarters was set up – for about three years – on direct and indirect activities of implementing terrorism [from the base]. The headquarters is more or less a separate camp around 700 meters by 700 meters on the sea shore, in an area called Hamain A-Shatt. The problems we faced in this attack were of range – about 1,300 nautical miles, or 2,300 kms.; the second problem was one of precision: It’s true that the camp is separate, but there could be civilians or civilian structures or civilian activity in direct proximity to it. We also paid special attention to a school, a kind of boarding school, which is directly proximate to the command post. <\/p>\n

There are more buildings in the command post than those we attacked. We attacked central buildings, such as the building in which the PLO’s head, Yasser Arafat, has offices; an adjacent building connected with that; a building containing the HQ of \u00ab\u00a0Force 17\u00a0\u00bb and an adjacent building containing communications and perhaps also lodgings; and another building which contained a command post of the organization of these forces and operations: These are the building that were chosen, attacked and hit. <\/p>\n

We knew before the attack that PLO and terrorist circles in various places estimated that an Israeli attack or blow or operation could be forthcoming, mainly in the wake of the murder in Larnaca, which seems to us a particularly problematic operation: A kind of process of cold-blooded murder abroad with an entire apparatus designed to hide the fact that those behind this murder are precisely those persons who say they know nothing about it – as though they want to attain the impact of the attack without being ready to bear its consequences. I think that despite these advance appraisals, according to what we have seen until now, the attack in fact came as a surprise in many senses. We know of dozens of casualties – as of now I would put it at between 30 and 50 killed, and a larger number of wounded. <\/p>\n

I want to conclude by saying that the war against terrorism must be constant – I think that this is one of its expressions – it must also be systematic and diversified with respect to the places and methods regarding which we will implement our force, as we find appropriate. Congratulations to those who succeeded in giving us the information – the anonymous intelligence corps – and to those who carried it out: The air force and those who took part in the implementation. To the best of my estimation, the implementation was fully consistent with what was planned. <\/p>\n

Air Force Commander Lapidot: Today at about 11:00 hours we attacked a PLO command post in Tunisia. Taking part in the attack were a number of air force war planes. Within the attack target, which is a relatively large area, a number of command buildings were designated for us for destruction. The targets were destroyed. All the targets designated for destruction were hit accurately. All our planes returned safely. What characterizes this operation for the air forces is a long flight range; in fact, this is the longest offensive operation carried out by the air force to date. In this operation we made use of the means of ammunition which are suitable for destroying the targets on the one hand, while refraining from hitting civilians or buildings not connected with these headquarters on the other hand. As I noted, we succeeded in hitting and destroying the command posts that were designated. <\/p>\n

Summary of Question and Answers: <\/p>\n

Asked whether the PLO bases in Jordan were also not immune from such attacks, Defense Minister Rabin said: \u00ab\u00a0I repeat that no PLO terrorist target is immune, no matter where it is located, against attack by us. I don’t want you to draw conclusions from this regarding if and when we will decide to attack such a target. I will add no more.\u00a0\u00bb As to whether the attack will harm the peace process, Mr. Rabin said he had heard that Egypt was suspending the Taba talks, but said he thought it was \u00ab\u00a0in the interest of Egypt and Israel alike\u00a0\u00bb to clarify the points in dispute between the two countries. He said that he believed that even if there were to be a certain suspension, \u00ab\u00a0the process will continue because it is in the interest of both our countries.\u00a0\u00bb As for peace talks with other countries, the defense minister said it was \u00ab\u00a0inconceivable that terrorism should operate against us but that we will not operate against it in the appropriate manner, with an overall approach, and with freedom in choosing the targets and the means for the war against terrorism.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

Mr. Rabin said also that \u00ab\u00a0the time has come to hit at not only the implementers, not only the intermediate levels, not only the instigators, but at the upper echelon that takes the decisions to execute terrorist operations, and the headquarters that serve the upper echelon.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

Mr. Rabin said he did not know whether Tunisia had been directly warned against harboring terrorists, but said that senior Israeli officials had often asserted that Israel would not be able to acquiesce in the free activity of terrorists. \u00ab\u00a0We have no interest in a confrontation with Tunisia,\u00a0\u00bb he said. \u00ab\u00a0The target was not Tunisia. The target was PLO headquarters dealing in terrorism which are in fact in a state of extraterritorial control in the area where they are situated in Tunisia.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

Air Force Commander Lapidot said there had been no attempt to interfere with the Israeli planes during their mission. <\/p>\n

Asked whether the U.S. had been informed in advance, Mr. Rabin replied: \u00ab\u00a0Israel is an independent state where taking steps vital to our security is concerned. With respect to terrorism in particular, we take decisions on our own. We informed the Americans, as we did others, only after the completion of the actual operation.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n

http:\/\/www.mfa.gov.il\/mfa\/go.asp?MFAH0inv0<\/a> <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Bekhor (Bekhor)<\/b> le jeudi 16 octobre 2003 – 13h09: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

CITRON,
Tu ne t’est jamais demande si ce raid Israelien n’a pas ete fait avec la benediction du gouvernement Tunisien??.
Tu a oublie que les Tunisiens ne savaient pas comment ce debarasser de cet organisme terroriste qui etait lourd pour son estomac. <\/p>\n

Je vais finir par croire que tu est un veritable enfant de coeur. <\/p>\n

Tu devrais etre fier en tant que juif, plus que tu te pretend juif,vivant en Tunisie, d’etre issu du peuple qui a aide la Tunisie a se debarasser d’organisations terroristes. <\/p>\n

Tu sait tres bien que ce n’est pas la Tunisie qui etait visee. <\/p>\n

Et ce raid n’aurait pas pu etre fait sans l’aide de l’armee Tunisienne, en tout cas c’est l’avis de plusieurs tacticiens internationnaux qui avait disserter sur le sujet a l’epoque. <\/p>\n

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\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le mercredi 15 octobre 2003 – 20h41: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

HAMMAM-CHATT, UN 1er OCTOBRE 1985\u2026Un crime impuni <\/p>\n

\"H-Chatt1.jpg\" <\/p>\n

Le 1er octobre 1985, la Tunisie a \u00e9t\u00e9 victime d\u2019un raid isra\u00e9lien visant le QG de l\u2019OLP qui avait \u00e9lu domicile, depuis son d\u00e9part forc\u00e9 de Beyrouth en septembre 1982, \u00e0 Hammam-Chatt situ\u00e9 \u00e0 28 kilom\u00e8tres au Sud de la Capitale. Ce raid a \u00e9t\u00e9 qualifi\u00e9 de \u201c violation inadmissible des r\u00e8gles du droit international \u201d et d\u2019\u201cacte de terrorisme d\u2019Etat \u201d et condamn\u00e9 vivement tant par les Tunisiens que par la communaut\u00e9 internationale, \u00e0 l\u2019exception des Etats-Unis. Le \u201c revirement \u201d de l\u2019Administration Reagan a abouti \u00e0 l\u2019abstention am\u00e9ricaine au Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9. La r\u00e9solution adopt\u00e9e, tout en condamnant l\u2019acte d\u2019agression isra\u00e9lien, a estim\u00e9 que la Tunisie a droit \u00e0 des r\u00e9parations. <\/p>\n

Dix-huit ann\u00e9es se sont \u00e9coul\u00e9es depuis le 4 octobre 1985, date de l\u2019adoption de la R\u00e9solution 573. Qu\u2019est-il alors advenu de ce texte qui fut salu\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque comme un \u201c triomphe \u201d de la diplomatie tunisienne? <\/p>\n

Dans la matin\u00e9e du mardi 1er octobre 1985, Tunis \u00e9tait sous l\u2019effet de grondements effrayants et de bruits assourdissants d\u2019explosions retentissant dans sa banlieue Sud. Des bombardements a\u00e9riens de l\u2019aviation isra\u00e9lienne pleuvaient sur les installations palestiniennes de Borj Cedria, larguant, \u00e0 quelques minutes d\u2019intervalle, leurs bombes d\u2019un poids de 2.000 \u00e0 2.500 pounds (un pound = 400 gr environ) selon certaines sources, et de 1.000 pounds selon la lettre du gouvernement tunisien au Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019ONU. Huit mirages volant \u00e0 basse altitude avaient effectu\u00e9, de leurs bases, 4.800 kilom\u00e8tres aller-retour. <\/p>\n

Un spectacle de d\u00e9solation et d\u2019horreur <\/p>\n

Trois assauts successifs de l\u2019aviation de Tsahal accomplis avec une telle pr\u00e9cision qu\u2019apr\u00e8s quelques poussi\u00e8res de minutes, il ne subsistait plus rien du QG de l\u2019OLP transform\u00e9 en champ de ruines. Une fum\u00e9e emplissant le ciel d\u2019o\u00f9 des avions, avant de dispara\u00eetre, larguaient des ballons-leurres destin\u00e9s \u00e0 d\u00e9jouer la d\u00e9fense a\u00e9rienne. B\u00e2timents en miettes, voitures br\u00fbl\u00e9es. Le quotidien Le Temps avait titr\u00e9 dans son \u00e9dition du 2 octobre : \u201c Des d\u00e9combres\u2026 des cadavres. La mort est pass\u00e9e par l\u00e0 \u201d et d\u00e9crit comme suit le spectacle d\u00e9solant : \u201c Chauss\u00e9es d\u00e9fonc\u00e9es, arbres jonchant le sol, voitures calcin\u00e9es, pans de murs parsem\u00e9s d\u2019\u00e9clats et plusieurs b\u00e2timents compl\u00e8tement ras\u00e9s, c\u2019est ce qu\u2019ont laiss\u00e9 derri\u00e8re eux les six F16 isra\u00e9liens qui ont pilonn\u00e9 hier matin, la paisible localit\u00e9 de Hammam-Plage, si\u00e8ge du commandement de la R\u00e9sistance palestinienne \u201d. De nombreuses victimes tunisiennes et palestiniennes gisaient \u00e0 ras le sol et sous les d\u00e9combres. L\u2019hebdomadaire fran\u00e7ais L\u2019Express rapportait, dans sa livraison du 11 octobre, la panique et l\u2019affolement de la population : \u201c Des cris surgissent de partout. Des mourants et des morts, d\u00e9shabill\u00e9s par le souffle, ont le corps noirci de br\u00fblures\u2026 \u201d. \u201c Mon fils a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9capit\u00e9 \u201d, s\u2019\u00e9cria la m\u00e8re de Mahjoub Jellab tu\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e2ge de 16 ans \u201c compl\u00e8tement d\u00e9capit\u00e9, et la jambe gauche arrach\u00e9e par les effets des \u00e9clats de bombes \u201d, assura, au quotidien Le Temps, la m\u00e8re qui a fini par retrouver son fils \u00e0 la morgue de l\u2019h\u00f4pital Habib Thameur d\u00e9crite par Jeune Afrique (du 16 octobre) comme \u201c un vulgaire frigo de boucherie \u201d o\u00f9 \u201c g\u00eet (parmi d\u2019autres) un jeune corps serr\u00e9 dans un jeans, le cr\u00e2ne fracass\u00e9 \u201d ; \u201c des membres \u00e9pars, bras et jambes, cens\u00e9s lui appartenir, sont amass\u00e9s au pied de la civi\u00e8re \u201d. Une horreur indicible. <\/p>\n

Un raid de repr\u00e9sailles <\/p>\n

L\u2019op\u00e9ration-exploit revendiqu\u00e9 par Isra\u00ebl, tout comme le fameux raid d\u2019Entebbe de 1976, en Ouganda (\u00e0 3.500 km de Tel-Aviv) pour lib\u00e9rer des Isra\u00e9liens retenus par des pirates de l\u2019air, avait \u00e9t\u00e9 consid\u00e9r\u00e9e \u00e0 cette \u00e9poque comme \u201c haut fait du palmar\u00e8s de Tsahal \u201d et comme \u201c un des raids de repr\u00e9sailles les plus spectaculaires jamais effectu\u00e9s par l\u2019aviation isra\u00e9lienne \u201d. Elle surprit plus d\u2019un observateur par sa prouesse technique, sa pr\u00e9cision et sa rapidit\u00e9 et fut qualifi\u00e9e par la presse occidentale comme \u201c le raid le plus audacieux de l\u2019histoire \u201d isra\u00e9lienne. \u201c Tous les avions isra\u00e9liens ont regagn\u00e9 leur base, indemnes. Les pilotes ont d\u00e9clar\u00e9 avoir atteint avec pr\u00e9cision leurs objectifs \u201d, a pr\u00e9cis\u00e9 le communiqu\u00e9 du commandement militaire isra\u00e9lien. Le cynisme des commanditaires de cette op\u00e9ration avait alors suscit\u00e9 de nombreuses r\u00e9actions des capitales occidentales et arabes ainsi qu\u2019une vague d\u2019indignations et de protestations \u00e0 travers le pays, voire dans les rangs des \u00e9tudiants destouriens que Bourguiba aurait autoris\u00e9s \u00e0 manifester leur m\u00e9contentement. Selon le quartier g\u00e9n\u00e9ral isra\u00e9lien, ce raid, minutieusement pr\u00e9par\u00e9, \u00e9tait une riposte contre l\u2019attentat commis le 25 septembre, le jour du Yom Kippour, f\u00eate du Grand pardon, \u00e0 Larnaca (Chypre), contre trois plaisanciers isra\u00e9liens et revendiqu\u00e9 par la Force 17. Il visait les locaux ex-territoriaux dont l\u2019OLP disposait \u00e0 Tunis : le bureau de Arafat, un autre abritant le Q.G. du Fatah et un troisi\u00e8me abritant le bureau de la Force 17, le service secret de l\u2019OLP qu\u2019Isra\u00ebl accusait d\u2019\u00eatre responsable de l\u2019attentat de Larnaca. Et m\u00eame si Rabbin avait tenu \u00e0 pr\u00e9ciser que l\u2019op\u00e9ration isra\u00e9lienne ne visait ni la Capitale tunisienne, ni une \u00e9ventuelle confrontation avec le Pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba, la Tunisie, se sentant humili\u00e9e et agress\u00e9e dans sa souverainet\u00e9, d\u00e9posa une plainte au Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 qu\u2019elle saisit d\u2019urgence et engagea une bataille diplomatique aupr\u00e8s de l\u2019ONU visant \u00e0 obtenir la condamnation de l\u2019Etat d\u2019Isra\u00ebl ainsi que des \u201c r\u00e9parations appropri\u00e9es comme suite aux pertes en vies humaines et aux d\u00e9g\u00e2ts mat\u00e9riels dont elle a \u00e9t\u00e9 victime \u201d (Voir texte de la R\u00e9solution) tout en agitant la menace de sanctions obligatoires. Pour B\u00e9ji Ca\u00efd Essebsi, alors ministre des Affaires Etrang\u00e8res, il s\u2019agissait d\u2019un \u201c acte de terrorisme \u201d contre une \u201c zone urbaine o\u00f9 r\u00e9sident des familles tunisiennes et un nombre r\u00e9duit de civils palestiniens \u201d. <\/p>\n

La Tunisie \u00e0 l\u2019ONU <\/p>\n

La question qui pr\u00e9occupait le Pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba, ami fid\u00e8le des Etats-Unis, demeurait la position de ce pays vis-\u00e0-vis du raid et le v\u00e9to am\u00e9ricain appr\u00e9hend\u00e9 \u00e0 un moment o\u00f9 l\u2019opposition, toutes tendances confondues, reprochait au gouvernement son alliance avec Washington et exigeait la rupture des relations diplomatiques avec les Etats-Unis, o\u00f9 le sentiment anti-am\u00e9ricain se renfor\u00e7ait dans l\u2019opinion publique exasp\u00e9r\u00e9e par le manquement des m\u00e9dias vis-\u00e0-vis de la couverture de la trag\u00e9die (voir communiqu\u00e9 de la LTDH du 1er octobre, sign\u00e9 par Dr Slahedduine Zmerli) et o\u00f9 le diff\u00e9rend avec la Libye ainsi que la situation sociale du pays risquaient de mettre le feu aux poudres. La Maison-Blanche avait en effet approuv\u00e9, le jour m\u00eame, le raid isra\u00e9lien le qualifiant de \u201c l\u00e9gitime contre des actes de terrorisme \u201d. \u201c Pour la politique des Etats-Unis, des repr\u00e9sailles contre des attaques terroristes sont une r\u00e9ponse l\u00e9gitime et une expression d\u2019autod\u00e9fense. D\u2019apr\u00e8s les informations pr\u00e9liminaires dont nous disposons, cela semble \u00eatre le cas \u201d, a d\u00e9clar\u00e9 le porte-parole de la Maison-Blanche, Larry Speakes qui a tenu \u00e0 ajouter \u00e0 la fin de sa d\u00e9claration \u201c que par principe, une r\u00e9ponse appropri\u00e9e \u00e0 des actes de terrorisme est un acte l\u00e9gitime d\u2019autod\u00e9fense \u201d (AFP, Washington). Le Pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba \u201c inquiet \u201d et \u201c pr\u00e9occup\u00e9 \u201d par \u201c le r\u00f4le qu\u2019auraient jou\u00e9 les Etats-Unis dans l\u2019op\u00e9ration entreprise par l\u2019aviation isra\u00e9lienne \u201d et \u201c \u00e9tonn\u00e9 \u201d par \u201c la position am\u00e9ricaine adopt\u00e9e \u00e0 la suite de la l\u00e2che agression isra\u00e9lienne contre la r\u00e9publique tunisienne \u201d, aurait d\u00e9clar\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019ambassadeur am\u00e9ricain \u00e0 Tunis qu\u2019il avait convoqu\u00e9 le lendemain de l\u2019agression, apr\u00e8s l\u2019approbation am\u00e9ricaine du raid isra\u00e9lien : \u201c Je suis dans la situation d\u2019un homme qui a toujours cru \u00e0 la fid\u00e9lit\u00e9 de son \u00e9pouse, qui d\u00e9couvre au terme de cinquante ann\u00e9es qu\u2019il a \u00e9t\u00e9 tromp\u00e9, et qui se demande s\u2019il n\u2019a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 tromp\u00e9 depuis le d\u00e9but \u201d (Le Quotidien de Paris, 4\/10\/85) et demand\u00e9 des Etats-Unis de \u201c reconsid\u00e9rer leur position n\u00e9gative et inattendue vis-\u00e0-vis de cette agression, position qui est en contradiction avec la loi et la morale \u201d (D\u00e9claration de Mahmoud Mestiri du 2\/10\/85). B\u00e9ji Ca\u00efd Essebsi avait, de son c\u00f4t\u00e9, affirm\u00e9 que la Tunisie saurait \u201c tirer les conclusions \u201d du soutien apport\u00e9 par la Maison-Blanche au raid isra\u00e9lien. R\u00e9pondant \u00e0 la demande expresse du Pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba, Washington a fini par \u201c r\u00e9viser \u201d son \u00e9valuation. Tout en exprimant sa \u201c compr\u00e9hension \u201d envers l\u2019op\u00e9ration isra\u00e9lienne pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e comme une \u201c expression d\u2019autod\u00e9fense\u201d, la Maison-Blanche s\u2019est abstenue de reprendre ses affirmations du 1er octobre pr\u00e9sentant le raid comme \u201c l\u00e9gitime \u201d. \u201c Une r\u00e9vision qui n\u2019est pas un revirement, mais nuance les termes de la premi\u00e8re prise de position. Le porte-parole de la Maison-Blanche a d\u2019ailleurs ni\u00e9 toute modification de l\u2019attitude am\u00e9ricaine \u201d, commentait le journal Le Soir (3\/10\/85). <\/p>\n

La r\u00e9solution 573 (1985) <\/p>\n

Suite \u00e0 des n\u00e9gociations \u00e0 propos du texte de la R\u00e9solution aboutissant \u00e0 l\u2019absence de mention relative aux Palestiniens et de condamnation explicite de l\u2019auteur de l\u2019agression (Isra\u00ebl), aux pressions am\u00e9ricaines internes et \u00e0 la position de condamnation ferme des Europ\u00e9ens ainsi qu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019intervention du Pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba, les Etats-Unis opt\u00e8rent pour l\u2019abstention. Le texte de la r\u00e9solution adopt\u00e9e \u00e9tait en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 en-de\u00e7a par rapport au projet initial pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 par la Tunisie et qui r\u00e9clamait une condamnation tr\u00e8s ferme de l\u2019agresseur et de l\u2019acte de l\u2019agression, des compensations financi\u00e8res pour les dommages subis et des mesures \u00e0 l\u2019encontre d\u2019Isra\u00ebl pour \u00e9viter la r\u00e9p\u00e9tition de cette agression (AFP, 3\/10\/85). A cela, Mahmoud Mestiri r\u00e9pondit : \u201c Certes, nous aurions souhait\u00e9 la condamnation directe d\u2019Isra\u00ebl, mais plusieurs pays occidentaux et m\u00eame latino-am\u00e9ricains et pas seulement les Etats-Unis ont toujours \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9ticents pour accepter une formulation qui rev\u00eat, de leur point de vue, des implications politiques et juridiques complexes \u201d (R\u00e9alit\u00e9s du11\/10\/85). Toutefois, cette \u201c victoire \u201d diplomatique de la Tunisie avait d\u00e9samorc\u00e9 quelque peu la crise si bien qu\u2019on exhala dans les milieux officiels un souffle de soulagement. Mais elle ne manqua pas de provoquer une r\u00e9action d\u2019hostilit\u00e9 de la part d\u2019Isra\u00ebl qui, dans une d\u00e9claration du 21 novembre 1985 dont elle demanda l\u2019int\u00e9gration dans le rapport du Secr\u00e9taire G\u00e9n\u00e9ral sur l\u2019application de la r\u00e9solution 573 (1985), avait consid\u00e9r\u00e9 le texte comme \u201c totalement inacceptable \u201d, et en particulier, avait rejet\u00e9 \u201c l\u2019usage impropre des termes \u201c acte d\u2019agression \u201d et \u201c acte d\u2019agression arm\u00e9e \u201d. <\/p>\n

Deux mois plus tard, en d\u00e9cembre 1985, la Tunisie a pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019ONU un rapport d\u00e9taill\u00e9 des d\u00e9g\u00e2ts caus\u00e9s par le raid isra\u00e9lien. Dans ce rapport de 127 pages, \u00e9labor\u00e9 par une commission d\u2019enqu\u00eate sp\u00e9ciale constitu\u00e9e par le gouvernement tunisien, la Tunisie a avanc\u00e9 le chiffre de 68 victimes ayant trouv\u00e9 la mort (50 r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s palestiniens et 18 citoyens tunisiens) et la somme de 5.432.125 dinars (un peu plus de 6 millions de dollars) \u00e9valuant les d\u00e9g\u00e2ts mat\u00e9riels du raid. Le gouvernement tunisien se r\u00e9servait \u201c le droit de r\u00e9clamer des dommages et int\u00e9r\u00eats pour violation de sa souverainet\u00e9 et atteinte \u00e0 son d\u00e9veloppement \u00e9conomique et social \u201d, compte tenu du fait que, selon la Commission, il \u00e9tait impossible d\u2019\u00e9valuer l\u2019ampleur du pr\u00e9judice subi (AFP, 5-12-1985). <\/p>\n

L\u2019histoire retiendra -h\u00e9las- que cette r\u00e9solution estimant que la Tunisie a droit \u00e0 \u201c des r\u00e9parations appropri\u00e9es suite aux pertes en vies humaines et aux d\u00e9g\u00e2ts mat\u00e9riels dont elle a \u00e9t\u00e9 victime \u201d et adopt\u00e9e par 14 voix et une abstention (Etats-Unis), est d\u00e9sormais rest\u00e9e lettre morte. Dix-huit ans apr\u00e8s, les Tunisiens attendent toujours l\u2019application de la r\u00e9solution 573 qui fut vot\u00e9e apr\u00e8s moult efforts et d\u2019\u00e2pres n\u00e9gociations, un vendredi soir d\u2019un 4 octobre 1985\u2026 <\/p>\n

TEXTE DE LA RESOLUTION 573 (1985) : adopt\u00e9e par le Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019ONU, le 4 octobre 1985< <\/p>\n

Noura Borsali <\/p>\n

redaction@realites.com.tn 09-10-2003 <\/p>\n

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\n
\"Haut\"Message\"Message\"Bas\"Lien Par Citron (Citron)<\/b> le mercredi 15 octobre 2003 – 20h57: <\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

TEXTE DE LA RESOLUTION 573 (1985) : adopt\u00e9e par le Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019ONU, le 4 octobre 1985 <\/p>\n

\u201c Le texte d\u00e9finitif de la r\u00e9solution adopt\u00e9e par le Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9 vendredi 4 octobre 1985, \u00e0 l\u2019issue du d\u00e9bat sur la plainte de la Tunisie contre Isra\u00ebl : <\/p>\n

Le Conseil de S\u00e9curit\u00e9, ayant examin\u00e9 la lettre, dat\u00e9e du 1er octobre 1985, par laquelle la Tunisie a port\u00e9 plainte contre Isra\u00ebl \u00e0 la suite de l\u2019acte d\u2019agression commis par ce dernier contre la souverainet\u00e9 et l\u2019int\u00e9grit\u00e9 territoriale de la Tunisie. <\/p>\n

Ayant entendu la d\u00e9claration du ministre des Affaires Etrang\u00e8res de la Tunisie. <\/p>\n

Ayant not\u00e9 avec pr\u00e9occupation que l\u2019attaque isra\u00e9lienne a caus\u00e9 de nombreuses pertes en vies humaines et des d\u00e9g\u00e2ts mat\u00e9riels consid\u00e9rables. <\/p>\n

Consid\u00e9rant que, aux termes du paragraphe 4 de l\u2019article 2 de la Charte des Nations Unies, les membres de l\u2019Organisation s\u2019abstiennent, dans leurs relations internationales, de recouvrir \u00e0 la menace ou \u00e0 l\u2019emploi de la force, soit contre l\u2019int\u00e9grit\u00e9 territoriale ou l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance politique de tout Etat, soit de tout autre mani\u00e8re incompatible avec les buts des Nations Unies. <\/p>\n

Gravement pr\u00e9occup\u00e9 par la menace \u00e0 la paix et \u00e0 la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 dans la r\u00e9gion m\u00e9diterran\u00e9enne caus\u00e9e par l\u2019attaque a\u00e9rienne perp\u00e9tr\u00e9e le 1er octobre 1985 par Isra\u00ebl dans la zone de Hammam-Plage dans la banlieue-Sud de Tunis. <\/p>\n

Appelant l\u2019attention sur les graves cons\u00e9quences que l\u2019agression men\u00e9e par Isra\u00ebl et tous les actes contraires \u00e0 la Charte ne peuvent manquer d\u2019engendrer pour toute initiative ayant pour objectif l\u2019instauration d\u2019une paix d\u2019ensemble juste et durable au Moyen-Orient. <\/p>\n

Consid\u00e9rant que le gouvernement Isra\u00e9lien a revendiqu\u00e9 la responsabilit\u00e9 de l\u2019attaque d\u00e8s que celle-ci s\u2019est produite. <\/p>\n

1\/condamne \u00e9nergiquement l\u2019acte d\u2019agression arm\u00e9e perp\u00e9tr\u00e9 par Isra\u00ebl contre le territoire tunisien en violation flagrante de la Charte des Nations Unies, du droit et des normes de conduite internationaux. <\/p>\n

2\/Exige qu\u2019Isra\u00ebl s\u2019abstienne de perp\u00e9trer de tels actes d\u2019agression ou de menacer de le faire. <\/p>\n

3\/Demande instamment aux Etats membres des Nations Unies de prendre des mesures pour dissuader Isra\u00ebl de recourir \u00e0 de tels actes contre la souverainet\u00e9 et l\u2019int\u00e9grit\u00e9 territoriale de tous les Etats. <\/p>\n

4\/Estime que la Tunisie a droit \u00e0 des r\u00e9parations appropri\u00e9es comme suite aux pertes en vies humaines et aux d\u00e9g\u00e2ts mat\u00e9riels dont elle a \u00e9t\u00e9 victime et dont Isra\u00ebl a reconnu \u00eatre responsable\u201d. <\/p>\n

redaction@realites.com.tn 09-10-2003 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Par Citron (Citron) le jeudi 04 mars 2004 – 02h29: Israeli official visits Tunisia Tunisia-Israel, Politics, 9\/9\/2003 The Israeli daily Yediot Ahronot said yesterday that an official at the Israeli foreign ministry is visiting Tunisia to discuss means of renewing diplomatic relations between the two countries and ending the warning over the travel of the… <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":49866,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"neve_meta_sidebar":"","neve_meta_container":"","neve_meta_enable_content_width":"","neve_meta_content_width":0,"neve_meta_title_alignment":"","neve_meta_author_avatar":"","neve_post_elements_order":"","neve_meta_disable_header":"","neve_meta_disable_footer":"","neve_meta_disable_title":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[18],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-37243","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-histoire"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/37243","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=37243"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/37243\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":45647,"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/37243\/revisions\/45647"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/49866"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=37243"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=37243"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/harissa.com\/news-wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=37243"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}